this morning, target libya. clinton. gates. rumsfeld. three major headliners, only on "this week." u.s. and allied bombs and missiles hammer libyan targets. the rebels gain ground. and the president prepares to make his pitch to the american people. >> it's u.s. policy that gadhafi needs to go. >> what if gadhafi stays? just back from the middle east, robert gates and hillary clinton come to "this week" for their first interviews since the attacks began to make the president's case. what does victory look like? kit be achieved? at what cost? then -- >> i don't have any regrets at

all. >> what would donald rumsfeld do in a third war. and he'll respond to critics who say he's been rewriting history. and george will and the "roundtable" will talk to us. why is one hopeful having a tough time agreeing with himself. >> announcer: live from the newseum. some major developments in libya. rebel forces have scored a key victory taking back the oil town of brega in theest. they continue the push west. abc's alex marquardt is in benghazi. what is the mood there? >> reporter: a lot of gun fire and horn honking. a quick advance toward the west was expected following the st e

stalemate that was broken. this took people by surprise. opposition leaders are hoping that the rebels will slow down a bit to allow senior military officials to take over. the next town is gadhafi's hometown. they don't know what kinds of weapons he has there. in tripoli, a disturbing scene. a woman burst into a hotel. she said she was arrested and raped by gadhafi forces. security forces in the hotel tried to silence her. they put a hood over her. there was a scuffle. she was driven off. a government spokesman said she was mentally ill and drunk. then allowed for the fact that she might is been raped and said they're looking into it. jake? >> alex marquardt in libya.

stay safe. the president is set to address the nation tomorrow night. he's under intense pressure. joining me now in their first interviews since the attacks on libya began, secretary of state hillary clinton and defense secretary robert games. thank you for joining us. the mission is a no-fly zone and civilian protection and does not include removing gadhafi from power. why not have as part of the mission regime change? >> i think you don't want ever to set a set of goals or a military mission where you can't be confident of accomplishing the objects. as we have seen in the past, regem change is a very complicated business. it sometimes takes a long time. sometimes it can happen very fast. it was never part of the military mission. >> nato has assumed command and

control of the no-fly zone, or is this weekend. not yet for the civilian protection. when do we anticipate that? >> i think hillary's been more engaged with that diplomacy than i have. >> we hope, jake, that nato, what is making the military plaining for the civilian protection mission, will meet in the next few days. make a decision, which we expect to be positive. to include that mission. and just as the arms embar goe a and the no-fly zone has been transitions, the protection will be as well. >> what do you say to the people in ivory coast or syria saying where is our no-fly zone? >> there's not an air force being used. not the same level of force. the situation is significantly different enough that the world has not come together. however, in ivory coast we have

a u.n. peace-keeping force. we're supporting them. we're beginning to see the world coalesce around the fact that mr. agbo is no longer the president. each of these situations is different. but in libya, when a leader says, spare nothing. show no mercy. and calls out air force attacks on his own people, that crosses a line that people in the world had decided they could not k tolerate. >> when do we know that the mission is done? the no-fly zone has succeed? >> the implementation of the no-fly zone, for most purposes, is complete. now it can be sustained with a lot less effort than what it took to set it up. as i indicated in my testimony

on the hill, you don't establish a no-fly zone by just saying it. you go in and suppress them. i think we have made a lot of progress on the humanitarian side and his ability to move armor. to move toward a benghazi or a place like that. as pretty well been eliminated. we'll have to keep our eye on it because he has ground forces at his beck and call. the reality is, they're under a lot of pressure. the logistics. there are signs that they're moving pack to the west. away from ajdabiya. i think that we have prevented the large-scale slaughter. that was beginning to take place. has taken place in some places. and so i think we're at a point where the establishment of the no-fly zone and the protection

of the cities from the wholesale military assault from the east has been accomplished. now we can move to sustain them. >> i would add two points to what secretary gates said. the united states senate called for a no-fly zone in a resolution that passed, i think, on march 1st. that mission is on the brink of being accomplished. there was a lot of congressional support to do something. there is not a perfect option. think the president ordered the best available option. the united states worked with the international community to make sure there was authorization to do what we hoped to accomplish. somewhat remarkable is nato assuming responsibility for the entire mission means that the quits will move to a supporting

role. just as our allies are hemming us in afghanistan, where we bear the disproportionate amount of the effort -- i think this is a watershed moment in international decision making. we learned a lot in the 1990s. we saw what happened in rwanda. it took a long time in the balkans, in kosovo. i think what has happened since march 1st, and we're not done with the month, demonstrates remarkable leader ship. >> i would add one other thing. a concrete manifestation of this

thing. we're, at the department of defense, beginning to do our planning in terms of drawing down resources. from the support of the no-fly zone and then the humanitarian measure. it may not start in the next day or two, but i expect it in the very near future. >> how long will we be there this the support role? >> we'll begin diminishing the level of involvement. as long as there is a no-fly zone and we have unique capabilities to bring to bear, we will continue to have a presence. a lot of these -- a lot of the forces that we will have available other than the isr are forces already assigned to europe or have been assigned to italy or are at sea in the m

mediterrane mediterranean. >> do you think we'll be gone by the end of the year? will the mission be over by the end of the year? >> i don't think anybody knows the answer to that. >> do you think ib la posed an actual threat to the united states? >> no, it was not a vital national interest to the united states. but it was an interest. for the reasons that secretary clinton talked about. the engagement of the europeans. there was another piece of this that was a consideration. you have had revolutions on the east and the west of labia. they're fragile. >> egypt and tunisia? >> egypt and tunisia. you had a situation that put arisk the revolutions in tunisia and egypt. >> i just want to add, too,

there's been a lot of questions. and the questions deserve to be asked and answered. the president will address the nation on monday night. imagine we were sitting here, and benghazi had been overrun, a city of 700,000 people. and thousands of people had been slaughtered. with nowhere to go, went to egypt. the cries would be, why did the united states not do anything? how could you stand by when, you know, france, and the united kingdom and other europeans and the arab league and your arab partners were saying, you have got to do something? every decision we make is going to have pluses and minuses. >> you heard the secretary of defense say that lib kra did not pose an actual or imminent threat to the nation.

bearing in mind what you just said, i'm wondering how the administration can make that work with what the president said. the president does not have power under the conti institution to unilaterally authorize this. you yourself said this about president bush. >> the administration believed that any, any use of forest against iran is necessary, the president must come to congress to seek that authority. >> why not go to congress? >> we would welcome congressional support. i don't think this kind of internationally authorized intervention, where we're one of a number of countries participating to enforce a humanitarian mission is the kind

of unilateral action that either i or president obama was speaking of several years ago. i think this has a limited time frame. a very clearly defined mission. which we are in the process of fulfilling. >> i want to get to a couple of other topics before you guys go. one is in yemen. the president, a prushl ally, seems quite on his way out. secretary gates, you said this week, we have not done any post-sala planning. how dangerous is a post-sala yemen to the united states? >> it's a concern. i think the most active and perhaps the most aggressive branch of al qaeda on the arabian peninsula operates out of yemen. we have had a lot of cooperation from that president tapped security services. if that gomt collapses and is

replaced by one more weak, we'll face additional challenges out of yemen. no question. it's a real problem. >> secretary clinton, on pakistan, they've been trying to block counterterrorism efforts in some regions. it held a u.s. diplomat in prison for several weeks. has the relationship gotten worse? the u.s. and pakistan? >> it's a challenging relationship. there have been some problems. we were very appreciative of getting our diplomat out of pakistan. and that took cooperation by the government of pakistan. we have cooperated very closely together in going after terrorists who pose a threat to us and the pakistanis themselves. it's a very difficult relationship. because pakistan is in a hard

position, trying to figure out how it's going to contend with its own internal extremist threat. i think on the other hand, we have also developed good line of communication. good opportunities for cooperation. but it's something we have to work on every day. >> finally, we've talked a bit about the end of this operation. how it ends. i'm wondering if you can envision the united states support plang where gadhafi is exiled? would the u.s. be willing to support safe haven, immunity from prosecution and access to funds? >> we're nowhere near that type of decision. i'll be going the a conference that the british government is hosting next week. there will be a number of countries. not only those participating in the enforcement of the resolution but those pursuing

political and other interventions. and the united nations has a special envoy who will be actively working with gadhafi and those around him. we've sent a clear message that it is time for him to transition out of power. the african uniquon has called r a transition. we think there will be developments along that line in the weeks and months ahead. i can't predict today how it will play out. we believe that libya will have a better shot in the future if he departs and leaves power. >> secretary clinton, secretary gates, thank you so much for joining us. next, what would rumsfeld do? i'll talk libya strategy with donald rumsfeld. and i'll get reaction to the criticism being leveled at his memoir.

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as we know, there are no knowns. there are things we know we know. there are known unknowns. we know there are some things we do not know. there are also unknown unknowns. the ones we don't know we don't know. if one looks throughout the history of our country and other free countries, it's the latter category that tend to be the difficult ones. >> donald rumsfelding words that are the title of his new book, "known and unknown." he laid low for a few years. now he's back with a vengeance. today he's here to weigh in. former secretary donald rumsfeld

joins me from physicaflorida. thank you for joining us. >> thank you. >> are we doing the right thing in libya? >> we have u.s. military forces ininvolved. everyone has to be hopeful that it opportunities out well. and that the progress proceeds. what concerns me is the questions that have been raised. they are fair questions. questions about who the rebels are. and thing probably the most important question is whether or not gadhafi will stay. if you put yourself in the shoes of the rebels, they wonder whether or not the coalition has an interest in gadhafi leaving. there's a great deal of ambiguity about that. gadhafi's forces wonder whether or not gadhafi will be leaving. there's the same abbmbiguity th

affects theirdy six making. think the goal has to be that gadhafi leaves. >> that is not the goal of the military campaign. the military campaign's submission civilian protection and the no-fly zone. do you think the u.s. should not have entered this without gadhafi's removal being a goal? >> my personal view is that once your involved, the prestige of the united states is at stake. if you think about the region. iran and syria are important. the damage they're doing us in iraq, afghanistan, and lebanon. they're sponsoring terrorism in the region. second, not libya, it's egypt,

saudi arabia, and the gulf. those are the anchors in that region for stability and for the united states of america. and what we do in libya will unquestionably, how we handle it, how it turns out, will unquestionably have a serious impact on the more important issues of iran and syria and egypt and saudi arabia and the gulf. >> you seem to be suggesting that libya was not high on the priority list. i'm wondering, if you had been secretary of defense as gadhafi's troops stormed into benghazi and gadhafi himself threatened no mercy and there was a fear of mass slaughter, what would you have recommended to the president? >> well, i wasn't there. i can't answer that question. i will say that i think president obama and secretary clinton are both experiencing

the differences from sevrving i a legislative branch to serving internationally. i listened to secretary gates. i must say i gee with a lot of what he says. when someone asked, how many people might be killed or what will it cost, there's no one who can answer those questions. east right in that respect. i think you have to pick it up with where we are now. where we are now is not where your question started. we are involved. in the prestige of the united states is involved. and think back to the gulf war. the first gulf war in the early 1990s. saddam hussein, when it was over, said he had fought the mother of all battles. george her better walker bush was gone, margaret thatter of

the uk was gone, and that the implication was he had defeated the united states. we're involved in libya. if gadhafi stays on, he will think he fought the mother of all battles. it will be damaging to us. the situation in lebanon was damaging. that will embolden others of his ilk. >> speaking of emboldening, gadhafi -- it's not new that he's a bad guy and that libya was involved in the pan am bombing. and the administration you were part of, took gadhafi off the list. opened relations with gadhafi. in hindsight, was that a mistake by president bush? >> i think the logic behind president bush's decision there was that after saddam hussein

was opposed. and pulled out of the spider hole, and executed. gadhafi decided he would not be the next saddam hussein. he had a nuclear program. he decided to give up that nuclear program to avoid becoming the next saddam hussein. the worl is a lot better off today because there was not a nuclear competition going on in that part of the world. now, was it mistake in retrospect? i don't know how anybody could have anticipated this turmoil occurring in that country. think probably getting rid of libya's nuclear program was a major accomplishment of the bush administration. >> your former deputy at the pentagon, paul wolfowitz, said

this last week. >> if gadhafi were to survive, it would be against american interests. >> is he correct? >> oh, he is. at this stage. once the united states gets involved in something like this, if it ends and gadhafi is still sitting there as i say, being able to say, with some credibility, that he has just fought the mother of all battles in libya and he is still there and the united states and the coalition countries are all gone, you bet it will be dama damaging to our country. that's a quite different issue as to what we have done at the outset. i wasn't knowledgeable at what the debt tails were at that point and i can't respond to that part. >> let's talk a little bit about forming coalitions. after 9/11, nato offered to help. some say you and the u.s.

rebuffed the offer. would it have been better off if we have undertaken the situation in afghanistan the way that president obama has handled libya? >> i think that's nonsensical politics. the coalition in libya is the smallest one in history. we had over 90 partners in the global war on terror. dozens of countries involved in afghanistan and iraq. and still, the democrats were alleging it was president bush was there unilaterally. nonsense. the first thing you have to do is recognize that as i talk about in my book, the mission has to determine the coalition. the coalition ought not determine the mission. now, that being said, if you determine what your mission is

and then you decide, as we did, with respect to afghanistan, that you put together a coalition that fits that mission, that agrees with the mission, that won't back out of that mission, then you have a sufficient seriousness of purpose that you have a chance to prevail. if you go in with confusion and ambiguity, and we have heard four or five different explanations of why we're there, that is the root of the problem. the confusion that comes from that. confusion about what the mission is. confusion about who the rebels are. whether or not gadhafi should be left in power. confusion about the command and control. we proceeded in a very orderly way. president bush made a decision that america had been attacked. that was unacceptable. we were going after al qaeda and remove the taliban.

he set that as the mission and put together a coalition to take on that mission. it evolved into a nato command in afghanistan for the major portion of the effort. but there were not ambiguities about who was this charge. >> we're going to come back and talk to secretary rumsfeld about afghanistan and iraq. and he'll answer the critics. one of them being bob woodward. we'll give the secretary a chance to respond after this. lo. sovereign of the security line. you never take an upgrade for granted. and you rent from national. because only national lets you choose any car in the aisle. and go. you can even take a full-size or above. and still pay the mid-size price. i deserve this. [ male announcer ] you do, business pro. you do. go national. go like a pro.

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that bring america closer to energy independence. to investments that help businesses grow and create jobs. ♪ at ge, we're using imagination at work... ecomagination... healthymagination... and capital... to create advanced technology that's good for the economy... for the environment... for everyone. ♪ the president comes in, he has to deal with the world like he fines it. not a terribly friendly world. not a world where everyone believes what he does. there are other military powers besides the united states. he has to deal with what he has. >> vintage donald rumsfeld from

1976 on abc. his second more turbulent pentagon term ended in 2006. i should note that all proceeds of this book are going military families and the services that support them. let's talk about your book. it's a best seller. it's interesting. there seems to be a common thread in the criticism. bob woodward said it was one big cleanup job. a brazen effort to thift blame to others. including president bush, distort history, ignore the record. without making this a fight with bob woodward, how do you respond that you used the book to shift spomt? >> i would say the comment on the book has been all across the spectrum. a good deal of praise.

and then people like woodward who have criticized it. i understand it. i decided that unlike woodward, who writes a book fast, talks to people that were not involved in the decisions in some cases, that's a different kind of a book. my book has over 1,300 end notes. it has hundreds of footnotes. i have a website that's got over 3,500 primary source dmts aocum and other documents that source. someone can go to the website and read the entire memo. it's unusual that it's fully documented. i feel good about it. we have had something like 10 million hits on the website, where serious people, rather

than criticize, have gone to the website, tried to see what really took place, and began to see how tough the decisions are. all the easy decisions get made below the presidential evil. these decisions will be made by people. they're multidimensional. they're decision that in many instances are made with imperfect information, and in some cases inaccurate nsk. i think it will give people chance to see what it was like on the inside, which is not the case with the books written by people who were not there. >> let's talk about some of the foot notes. i went to www.rumsfeld.com, the website you surprisingly failed to name. and also have read the book. there was something that was interesting. the memo in which you outlined the worst case scenarios. the things that could go wrong.

you called it the parade of horribles. one of the parade of horribles that you noted this -- rather than having the post-saddam effort require two to four years, it could take eight to ten years. one month later, you said this. >> i can't tell you if a -- if the use of force in iraq today would last five days, five weeks, or five months. but it certainly is not going to last any longer than that. >> can you help us understand how this memo is talking about a two to four-year commitment or eight to ten. but publicly, you were saying five weeks or five months? >> sure. i certainly can. i was talking about major combat operations. that lasted, i think, about four or five weeks.

it was not inaccurate. i said dozens of times, i said what i said earlier, where i agreed with secretary of defense bob gates. that nobody can tell you about any war how long it will last, how much it will cost, how many lives will be lost. in every war, it's a terrible thing. every war is a failure of foreign policy. the inability of governments to solve things in a peaceful way. that parade of -- so called parade of horribles, i made before the war started. i circulated it to the national security council and the president. i felt that was my responsibility. the president's decided he'll move forward and invade and change the regime in iraq. we have a plan. the plan changes with first contact of the enemy. what are the things that could conceivably go differently. i made that list. i got other people to help me

develop it. i sent to it the president and the national security council. the other day, i was on "o'reilly" and he said, why didn't we publicize the list? that would be odd. why would we tell the enemy every thing they could do to complicate things for the coalition. a lot of those terrible things did not happen. some of them did, to be sure. >> we're going to have to unfortunately leave it there. secretary riumsfeld, thank you for being here. why is the u.s. always the country forced to intervene in conflicts elsewhere? we'll put this question to "the roundtable." [ male announcer ] opportunity is a powerful force.

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we will provide the unique capabilities we can bring to bear to stop the violence against the civilians. >> stop the violence against civilians. i kind of like that. there are other civilians in other countries for them, we're enforcing a we're not going the try zone. >> how to convince a nation that

war-wearily libya is a nashl to fight for. let's go to "the roundtable," george will, former admiral and former congressman joe sestak. journalist mona eltahawy and jeffrey goldberg. >> secretary gates hung out the mission accomplished banner. the logic of the events and rhetoric change that p our objective is to create a vacuum by decapitating the regime. into which we hope something good will flow. never mind what he learned in yugoslavia. never mind what he learned in

iraq. never mind what he learned in vietnam. never mind the possibility as secretary clinton has said, this could wind up an enormous somalia. we hope things will be better. >> should we have intervened? >> i was not supportive of our interventi intervention. when i was at the national security council, i learned you have to make sure that the military force matches the political objective. we have differing interpretations in what our political objective is. an alliance, that we don't appear to want to leave, that could lead to mission creep. somalia, i thought that was a good thing to do. i thought we should have intervened in rwanda. that objective changed. we didn't have military force to match it. it had immense impact on our

prestige and what we wanted to do in the world. hi concern is that as a former -- the chairman of the joint chiefs of staff said last weekend, circumstances will drive where this goes in the future. >> mona, you're more supportive you have a different take. >> i, first of all, i opposed the invasion of iraq. i'm in the a fan of foreign intervention. especially one where the united states has a terrible history of the opinion of others. about our ininvolvement. i think that if was a good thing because it was an answer to call by the libyan transitional national council. i regular niz them as representative of the libyan

revolution. i think it's essential that the revolutionaries win. gadhafi is taking a lesson and trying to encourage other dictators in the rege yoion by saying, you slaughter your people, you cut the spirit in the bud. we're seeing the revolution. syria, of all countries, the north korea of the middle east, as many sere yayrians i know ca. they have to begin the freedom and dignity from the brutal dictators. i support this intervention. i think it should be an international one with the u.s. playing a lesser role than other parties involved. >> step back from the criticism for a moment. what have the united states and the coalition gotten done so far? >> one thing that has to get mentioned is that gadhafi, a

couple of weeks ago, was poised to go into benghazi and slaughter 5,000, 10,000, 20,000 people. we don't know. he said he was going to do that. because of our intervention, he wasn't able to do that. that has to be the baseline undersa understanding of the conversation. he presented a set of difficult options. but so far, this has actually worked. >> george, you heard secretary gates say this was not a vital interest. do you think he's trying to distance himself from this? the reports were that he recommended against this? >> i'm sure he did. he more than anyone else, and the admiral knows this, how stressed our military is. i'm sure he's guest it because he's a realist in foreign policy school. no one can say that libya is as important to us as yemen or

bahrain, for example. this creates problems because they have their own difficulties with their people. i tend to agree. i think we're doing the wrong thing. i think the president is doing the wrong thing in the right way. >> we're going take a quick break. a "this week" quiz for you at home. which house hopeful was for military intervention in libya before he was a against it? the answer when we come back. impact life expectancy in the u.s., real estate in hong kong, and the optics industry in germany? at t. rowe price, we understand the connections of a complex global economy. it's just one reason over 80% of our mutual funds beat their 10-year lipper average. t. rowe price. invest with confidence. request a prospectus or summary prospectus with investment information, risks, fees and expenses

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what would you do about lib ra? >> eker size a no-fly zone this evening. the united states doubt need anybody's permission. i would not have intervened. >> newt gingrich spent the last few days trying to explain his own conflicting statements. he said yesterday he was responding to the comments the president said on two different days. flip-flop? yes or no. let's bring in "the roundtable." what do you make of the republican criticism of the president and the handling of lib kra? as an admiral and democratic congressman? >> i haven't thought much of it. it's been more of a, we're okay

with it, except that obama is in charge. and then, i saw, someone flipped, like you saw, or you saw someone like pawlenty come out and say, it's a complex issue. look this is not an issue i think about who is ready to be commander in chief. it's about leadership. it's a point you and george made. i understand the reasoning for wants to have the arab league look like it's on the forefront. but what i learned at sea and in the white house is when u.s. forces are placed in harm's way, if we don't take the leader ship, we're giving leverage to others to take it. second, after having run in pennsylvania recently, i saw people that wanted to have trust in our leadership. for the leader ship to look like they almost wanted to avoid this conflict raises too many question.

>> george? >> well, i agree with that. but the question is what you posed, what is the reaction to the united states where we're viewed as many ways? it's been a toxic way. the answer is to step back. >> what is the reaction? we've seen the -- the poll in the u.s. is not great. >> the libyans are relieved. it's helped end this all, or slow down the massacre of the people by gadhafi. i think the u.s. has to stop talking about the nonmilitary ways to help. help the libyans figure out what happens after the military intervention. something will have to come. you must start helping them figure out the democracy or the freedom that they want to move ahead with. they have to build a country that gadhafi never built for them. >> the problem is, to pick up on

what mona is saying, we don't know if the obama administration knows what it wants next for libya. that's the part that is making a lot of us who support this very queasy. there's no indication of how they want to remove gadhafi. we won't be able to call t ate success if gadhafi stays in power. we haven't seen much straight talk about what comes next. >> that's an important issue. whether the administration wanted to or not, success in u.s. policy hinges on the removal of gadhafi. militarily, what would that take? the rebels are asking for arms. they've gotten two cities, those were relatively easy. >> the two words the obama administration wants to avoid are regime change. that brings back unpleasant memories. but at the's what we're facing. >> it's important to share the

cost of the war. u.s. leadership is something that's needed. the cost of us having such great military at the expense of even our nato al slis that we're the only ones that have the heft. >> i want to take one minute. we only have a minute left. to note the passing this weekend of geraldine ferraro. here is ferraro at the 1984 democratic convention. >> by choosing a woman to run for our nation's second highest office, you send a powerful signal to all americans. there are no doors we cannot unlock. >> george? >> well, we were late to the party. she came along 18 years after n indira gandhi gofered, 15 years after golda meir.

the second term ff margaret thatcher. >> up next, be the smartest one at your water cooler. there's a lot going on in the world right now. abc news has it covered. don't miss our special "this week" preview. uh-huh. this is the meeting. we are the company. don't sweat it. i just switched us to sprint, so e-mail, web...on 4g... it's all unlimited. [ cellphone buzzes ] you just texted me to read the memo? unlimited text too. we really need you on this conference call. rick, it's lyle. rickster? i'm here. there he is! [ male announcer ] switch to sprint and get unlimited 4g data on a wide range of devices. sprint 4g, it's business without limits. trouble hearing on the phone? only on the now network. visit sprintrelay.com. ttd# 1-800-345-2550

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abc news. we've talked a lot about the what the president might say tomorrow. we hope you'll join diane, george, and me as we hear what he actually has to say. then, stay tuned for night line. and the full picture. the latest developments in libya, and the rumblings in congress. on tuesday, diane sawyer sits down with the president and talks to him one on one. "world news" will dig into a medical mystery. in an oklahoma town where neighbors live with a fear. >> this lady has cancer. >> what if driving down your street felt like visiting patients at a cancer ward? >> that lady passed way by cancer. >> of 20 homes in the neighborhood, 14 have one or more cancer patients. >> it's disheartening.

to have this happen and not be sure if you're safe. >> what is making thm afraid? and start your morning with "gmood morning america," live from london this week. they'll have the latest scoop on prince william's bachelor party. and then later in the week, interviews with the groom and his best man, prince william and prince harry. and from here in the colonies, that's our show for today. thanks for watching.